ACLU Open Letter to the United States Congress (10/2/2007)
Open Letter to the United States Congress October 2, 2007 Dear Senators and Representatives, On May 15, 2007, the United States Sentencing Commission (USSC) submitted to Congress its fourth report on federal cocaine sentencing policy. In this latest report, and in every submission since 1995, the USSC called on Congress to reform sentences for crack cocaine offenses. The undersigned organizations applaud the Commission’s latest recommendations and support enactment of legislation consistent with these recommendations and the elimination of the sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine offenses. We also urge the Judiciary Committee to immediately hold hearings to examine the report’s findings. The report, Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy, provides an exhaustive accounting of the research, data and viewpoints that led to the Commission’s recommendations for crack sentencing reform. The recommendations include: - Raising the crack cocaine quantities that trigger the five-year and ten-year mandatory minimum sentences in order to focus penalties on serious and major traffickers.
- Repeal of the mandatory minimum penalty for simple possession of crack cocaine.
- Rejection of legislation that addresses the drug quantity disparity between crack and powder cocaine by lowering the powder cocaine quantities that trigger mandatory minimum sentences.
The federal sentencing policies at issue in the USSC report were enacted by Congress in 1986 and 1988 under the Anti-Drug Abuse Acts which created a 100 to 1 quantity sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine, pharmacologically identical drugs. This means that crimes involving just 5 grams of crack, 10 to 50 doses, receive the same five year mandatory minimum prison sentence as crimes involving 500 grams of powder cocaine, 2,500 to 5,000 doses. Many myths about crack were perpetuated in the late 1980’s that claimed, for example, that crack cocaine caused violent behavior or that it was instantly addictive. Since then, research and extensive analysis by the USSC has revealed that such assertions are not supported by sound evidence and, in retrospect, were exaggerated or simply false. Although the myths perpetuated in the 1980s about crack cocaine have proven false, the disparate impact of this sentencing policy on the African American community continues to grow. According to the 2007 report by the USSC, blacks constituted 82% of those sentenced under federal crack cocaine laws. This is despite the fact that 66% of those who use crack cocaine are white or Hispanic. This prosecutorial disparity between crack and powder cocaine results in blacks spending substantially more time in federal prisons for drug offenses than whites. Indeed, the Commission reported that revising the crack cocaine threshold would do more to reduce the sentencing gap between blacks and whites “than any other single policy change,” and would “dramatically improve the fairness of the federal sentencing system.” Large quantities of cocaine are generally transported and trafficked into and throughout the U.S. in powder form. It is not converted into the form known as “crack” until it reaches the street level retail dealer, where powder cocaine is “cooked” with baking soda and water. Federal data demonstrate that the majority of crack cocaine prosecutions involve neighborhood dealing as opposed to the national and international prosecutions often associated with major powder cocaine prosecutions. Because of the small quantity levels that trigger five and 10 year mandatory minimums for crack cocaine offenses, low-level retail sellers are punished far more severely than their drug suppliers who provide the powder cocaine from which crack is produced. Congress intended to punish “major” drug traffickers when it passed the 1986 Act, but instead low-level crack sellers are punished 300 times more severely than high level international cocaine traffickers on an imprisonment per gram basis, according to USSC data. Concern over the severity of crack sentences has even reached the U.S. Supreme Court which on October 2, 2007, heard arguments in Kimbrough v. United States, No. 06-6330. The case explores the reasonableness of a district judge’s below guideline sentencing decision based on the unfairness of the 100 to 1 quantity disparity between powder and crack cocaine. In addition, several bills have been introduced in the U.S. House and Senate that seek to limit the harsh punishments for crack cocaine offenses. We agree with the USSC’s careful analysis that the present 100 to 1 quantity ratio is unwarranted and results in penalties that sweep too broadly, apply too frequently to lower-level offenders, overstate the seriousness of the offenses, and produce a large racial disparity in sentencing. Indeed, federal cocaine sentencing policy “…continues to come under almost universal criticism from representatives of the Judiciary, criminal justice practitioners, academics, and community interest groups,” according to the USSC report. “[I]naction in this area is of increasing concern to many, including the Commission.” It is imperative that Congress act quickly to finally correct the gross unfairness that has been the legacy of the 100 to 1 ratio. We call for hearings immediately and urge the elimination of the cocaine sentencing disparity with legislation consistent with the Sentencing Commission’s report and recommendations. Thank you for your prompt attention to our concerns.
Sincerely, Barbara R. Arnwine Executive Director Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law Pat Beauchemin Executive Director Therapeutic Communities of America David Borden Drug Reform Coordination Network Jane Browning Executive Director International Community Corrections Association Sarah Bryer Director National Juvenile Justice Network Arthur Burnett, Sr. National Executive Director National African American Drug Policy Coalition, Inc. Christine Campbell Director National Advocacy and Organizing Housing Works, Inc. Rev. Dr. Eliezer Valentín-Castañón Associate General Secretary General Commission on Religion and Race The United Methodist Church Dr. Ben Chavis President and CEO Hip-Hop Summit Action Network Dr. Ron Daniels President Institute of the Black World 21st Century Caroline Fredrickson Director, Washington Legislative Office American Civil Liberties Union Jenni Gainsborough Director, Washington Office Penal Reform International Dr. Kathie Stromile Golden Executive Director National Conference of Black Political Scientists Roger Goodman State Representative, 45th District Washington State Legislature President, Voluntary Committee of Lawyers King County Bar Association Judge Jon R. Gray (Retired) Chair Judicial Council of the National Bar Association Frank Hall Managing Director The Eagle Group Morton H. Halperin Executive Director Open Society Policy Center Ron Hampton Executive Director National Black Police Association Kimberly Haven Executive Director Justice Maryland Peter Hayden Chair National Black Alcoholism and Addictions Council Wade Henderson Executive Director Leadership Conference on Civil Rights Carmen Hernandez President National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers Dr. Everlena Holmes President Justice Watch Michael Israel Washington Representative Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, Public Policy Section Rob Keithan Director, Washington Office for Advocacy Unitarian Universalist Association of Congregations Kris Krane Executive Director Students for Sensible Drug Policy Fay Lassiter President National Association of Blacks in Criminal Justice Kirsten Levingston Director, Criminal Justice Program Brennan Center for Justice Kenny Linn Chairman FedCURE Glenn E. Martin Co-Director National H.I.R.E. Network Legal Action Center Marc Mauer Executive Director The Sentencing Project Kit Murphy McNally Executive Director Benedict Center Bill Mefford Director of Civil and Human Rights General Board of Church and Society, United Methodist Church Garry Mendez, Jr. Executive Director The National Trust for the Development of African-American Men Onaje Muid Associate Director Reality House, Inc. Janet Murguia President and CEO National Council of La Raza Ethan Nadelmann Executive Director Drug Policy Alliance Pat Nolan Vice President Prison Fellowship Charles Ogletree Founder and Director Charles Hamilton Houston Institute on Race and Justice and, Founder and Director Criminal Justice Institute Harvard Law School Dr. Doris Marie Provine School of Justice & Social Inquiry Arizona State University Divine Pryor, Ph.D Deputy Executive Director Center for NuLeadership on Urban Solutions Malika Saada Saar Executive Director Rebecca Project for Human Rights Rabbi David Saperstein, Director, Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism, Union for Reform Judaism/Central Conference of American Rabbis Gabriel Schlabach Legislative Assistant for Domestic Affairs Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office Theodore Shaw Director-Counsel and President NAACP- Legal Defense and Educational Fund Hilary Shelton Director, Washington Bureau National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Deborah Small Executive Director Break the Chains, Communities of Color and the War on Drugs Angela Smith National Coordinator Human Earth Animal Liberation Kemba Smith President Kemba Smith Foundation Mark Soler
Executive Director Center for Children’s Law and Policy Eric Sterling Assistant Counsel, House Judiciary Committee, 1979-1989 Julie Stewart President and Founder Families Against Mandatory Minimums Charles Sullivan Executive Director International CURE Rev. Susan Taylor Church of Scientology, Washington, DC Marsha Weissman Executive Director Center for Community Alternatives Jim Winkler General Secretary General Board of Church and Society, United Methodist Church Jason Ziedenberg Executive Director Justice Policy Institute
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